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OF 

NATIONAL UNION ASSOCIATION OF OHIO 



No, 4. 



CINCINNATI, OHIO, AUGUST, 1863. 

S F EE C H 

OP 

MAJOU-GENERAL JOHN A. LOGAN, 

ON HETXJKN TO ILLINOIS, 

AFTER 

CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG. 



REPORTED BY " MACK," OF THE CINCINNATI COMMERCIAL. 



CINCINT^ATI: 

CALEB CLARK, PRINTER, 

SOUTHWEST CORNER OF THIRD AND WALNUT STREETS. 
1863. 



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GENERAL LOGAN AT HOME. 



On giving the able and eloquent address of General Logan on the iissues of 
the day, we preface it with the following items furnished by " Mack," who 
reported the address : 

DuQuoiN, Illixois, July 31, 1S63. 

General John A. Logan, loved commander of the 3d Division of General 
Grant's conquering army, arrived at his home in Carbondale, Illinois, about 
a week ago. This is the first leave of absence he has had since he entered 
the army, and he was among the first to do that. For two years he has been 
3unstantly with his command, with the exception of the short time it took him 
io recover from the dreadful wound he received at Fort Donclson. He has de- 
clined many offers of leave tendered him by General Grant before the sur- 
render of Vicksburg, having, as he said, made up his mind not to go home 
until he could tell his friends that the Mississippi River was open from Cairo 
to the Gulf 

(Jeneral Logan's present position with regard to the South is in singular con- 
trast with the course he took in Congress before the rebellion broke out. In 
politics he has always been a bitter partisan of the Democratic school. Rep- 
resenting an intensely Democratic district in Southern Illinois, before our 
troubles assumed the character of open war, in which the South became the 
aggressors, he sided with the South on nearly every sectional question brought 
before the National Legislature. 

He supported every measure of compromise to prevent a dissolution of the 
Union. Sumpter was attacked, and the first gun fired at the national flag sev- 
ered the fraternal bonds that had bound Logan to the South. He returned 
from Congress thoroughly satisfied as to the troubles then ahead of us, and 
determined to give his cordial support to the loyal and patriotic people of the 
North against the conspirators who sought to disrupt the Government and 
make a wreck and ruin of the entire country. But his congressional record 
had given him a bad name in administrative circles at Washington, and atone 
time an order was actually issued for his arrest as one who sympathized with 
the rebellion. lie was not long, however, in setting himself right in this 
matter. By his own exertions he raised the 31st regiment of Illinois volun- 
teers, now commanded by Col. McCook, brother of Maj. Gen. McCook. When 
he had his men all in camp he applied to the State for arms, but none were 
to be had. He waited a little longer, but still his requisition could not be 
liiled. Finally he went to New York, and there bought arms for his entire 
regiment with his own money and notes of promise. I believe the amount 
has since been refunded to him by the War Department. With his men 
fully armed and equipped, he was sent to Cairo, where he remained for some 
time. He participated in the battle of Belmont, under General Grant, and 
his conduct on that occasion was marked with the same heroism that has char- 
acterized it on a dozen bloody fields since. The officers and crews of some 
of the hospital steamers became panic stricken when they found that our men 
were retreating, and the commander of the vessel on which Logan's regiment 
was embarking, evinced a great desire to get away from the fire of rebel mus- 
kets. The gallant Colonel of tlie 31st, aware of the mischief that such fear 
might lead to, stood on the deck of the boat and swore he would shoot any 
man wlio attempted to move the planks from the shore until every man of his 
recjiment was on board, 
(iii) 



iv "fear dishonor but not death." 

At Fort Donclsoa he commanded a brigade in the thickest of the fi^ht, 
though, as yet, but a colonel in rank. He was twice wounded during the en- 
gagement, and many doubts as to the possibility of his recovery were entar- 
tained. His memorable words to his men, " Fear dishonor but not death," will 
long be remembered in connection with the siege of Donelson. By his heroic 
conduct on the 16th of February, 1862, he justly earned his promotion to a 
Hrigadier Generalship, and was commissioned accordingly shortly afterward. 

In general Grant's recent campaign, in Mississippi, Logan and his noble 3d 
Division won deathless renown. Among the first to cross the Mississippi be- 
low Grand Gulf, he took a prominent part in five out of the six battles fought 
before the investment of Vicksburg. In the rear of Vicksburg he occupied, 
probably, the most important position along our entire line, forming the cen- 
ter of General McPherson's corps, with the strongest of the rebel forts in 
front of him — Fort Hill. His part in the assaults on Vicksburg was always 
well sustained. On the morning of the surrender of Vicksburg his division 
marched into town, and he was appointed to the command of the post. 

His long cherished work — the opening of the Mississippi — accomplished, he 
obtained leave of absence for twenty days, and is now on a visit to his home 
in Southern Illinois. But the prospect is that during his stay in Illinois, he 
will not get much respite from a labor as arduous as active campaigning, if not 
quite as dangerous. Immediately on his arrival at Cairo, he was met by del- 
agations from all parts of the state, inviting him to address public assemblies 
on the great questions of the day. Since then, I believe, he has received in- 
vitations to speak in Chicago and Cincinnati. He told me to-day that he 
did n't think he would go to Cincinnati, as his time would not permit it. "But," 
said he, " I would go if I thought I was needed there to assist you in defeat- 
ing that Canadian chap. I believe, however, you will beat him by a hundred 
thousand votes, without the soldiers." He will probably speak in Chicago be- 
fore he returns to the army. 

His speech yesterday, at this place, was attentively listened to by a crowd 
of about five thousand persons. It was received with great eclat. My pho- 
nogra2:)hic report of it will, 1 am sure, find many readers. A printed report 
of a speech, however accurate, can not do justice to Logan. There is so much 
in his manner of saying certain things which it is impossible to express in 
print, that the speech loses much of its flavor when served up at second-hand 
in the columns of a newspaper. Short hand can't reproduce gestures, how- 
ever faithfully it may daguerreotype words and sentences. Logan's style is 
clear, distinct and enunciative. Every word he utters can be heard in the 
most remote corner of his audience, and he has the rare faculty of being able 
to speak three hours to a crowd without wearying a single man or woman in it 

In view of the bravery in battle of the soldiers of Illinois, and of the 
patriotism of the Union defenders of that State, we exclaim, 

" Bear to the prairies of the West 
The echoe.s of our joy, 
The prayer that spring.s in every breast: 
' God bless thee, Illinois.' " 



SI^EE OH 

OF 



MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN A. LOGAN, 

AT DUQUOIN. ILL., FRIDAY, JULY 31. 1863. 



Phonographically rei^orted by " Mack," of the Cincinnati Commercial. 



It is with great pleasure that I meet this assembled multitude for the 
purpose of addressing them, and giving to them my views in reference to 
the present condition of the country. 

I want to remark to you, before proceeding to discuss what I consider 
the most important question that can be brought before any people for 
their calm and mature deliberation, that I do not propose to make any 
political speech. I am not canvassing this part of the country for the 
purpose of promoting the interests or advancing the welfare of any 
political organization, whether you call it Democratic, Republican, or 
anything else. My intention is not either to assist the one or to inter- 
fere with or detract from the other. I have, since I have been in the 
army of the United States — which is now about two years — at all times 
eschewed politics. I have had nothing to do with partisan organizations 
on one side or the other [cries of "That's so !"], nor do 1 propose to 
have anything to do with them as long as I am a soldier of the United 
States Government in the field, placed there to oppose the common enemy 
of our land and nation. [Applause.] 

There are many things, however, that we, who are in the field, have a 
right to speak of to our countrymen and fellow-citizens. There are many 
things, my friends, that we take an interest in as well as you at home. I 
suppose we feel as much interest in this country and its internal govern- 
ment as you possibly can, and for that reason I have been induced to 
discuss some of the questions before the people of this country and State. 

THE WAR AND OUR DUTY. 

It is not necessary for me to tell this intelligent audience that the war 
in which we are now engaged is one of great magnitude and importance. 
It is one, my friends, that will settle the fate of this Government either one 
way or the other. While it is going on it is clearly and plainly the duty 
of each and every one of its citizens to reflect in reference to that which is 
for the greatest and best interest of themselves and the whole people, and 
to act in such a manner as will be best calculated to promote the general 
welfare of our country. In order, then, that we should all act pruperly, 
that each and every one should act right, and conscientiously do his 
whole duty toward the country and its people, it is proper that they 



G OUR FIRST ALLEGIANCE TO THE GOVERNMENT. 

should -well know the difBcultics with which the country is surrounded, 
that they should well know the rights tl.nt attach to them from the 
organization of our Government, and the manner in which these rights 
are assailed or attempted to be trampled under foot. 

We first find then, a Government with a Constitution sufficient to pro- 
tect — amply protect — the rights of persons and property, political, civil 
and religious, of all classes of persons. We find a Government with a 
Constitution better than has ever been formed by men in any age or 
country or clime, with privileges, rights and protections that each man is 
entitled to, in all parts of the Government, clearly defined and distinctly 
marked out. With this kind of a Government, with this kind of a Con- 
stitution, let us ask ourselves what is our duty to that Government? 
What do we owe to a Government that gives us such rights and privi- 
leges, that has such a Constitution, that has such institutions as ours 
confers upon us and upon all mankind that avail themselves of it? What 
do we owe to a Government that extends its protecting power over each 
and every one of us ? What do we owe to a Government that protects 
our rights, our liberties, our reputations, our property, and extends to us 
all the protection that any man on earth could require? Now, my 
friends, we have just the kind of Government I have spoken of, or, 
rather, we had such an one. [A Voice — " We'll have it again !"] 

Logan — " AVe'll make a big try." [Laughter.] What, then, is the 
duty we owe to that Government? I'll tell you in a few words. We owe 
it our first allegiance as American citizens. We owe our first allegiance 
to that G-overnment paramount to any State, county, section or territory. 
We owe it our first allegiance as citizens. We are in duty bound to 
protect that Government under whose jcgis we have so long enjoyed 
peace, prosperity and security. As citizens who have received protection 
from it, it is our duty to stand by it in all its perils, in all its trials, all 
its wants, in everything, it makes no matter what it is. It is our duty 
to see that at no time that Government is destroyed, that at no time the 
rights and privileges of its citizens are interfered with or molested. 
[Applause.] I believe no one will dispute this point for a moment. All 
will admit it. Well, if it be true that we are indebted to this Govern- 
ment that much, clearly, then, there is a duty incumbent upon us, upon 
all men and women in the land, upon all officers, upon all persons in the 
G-overnment — and it is that kind of duty that they should certainly per- 
form — it is to execute the trust imposed upon them in good f:iith, in 
honesty and candor, according to the laws of the land and the Constitu- 
tion under which we live. [Applause.] This being the case, then, I 
will now bring to your attention the point I am driving at. It is this : 
When a country like this is in war, what is the duty of its citizens? 
Now, if we owe our first allegiance to that Government, if we are bound 
to respect its laws and in good faith carry them out, why, then, if that is 
the nature of our obligation to it, we are bound to prevent, in every way 
possible, in every manner within our power, any interference with it in 
any way whatever. We are bound to resist any blow aimed at its vitality. 
We are bound to go between it and its antagonist, be he whom he may, 
what power under heaven it may, we are bound to shield it with our 
strong arms in its hour of danger. [Applause.] 



WHY WAS THE CONSPIRACY ORGANIZED? 



THE " UNHOLY " AVAR. 

Now, I understand, and expect it is true, that there is a good deal 
eaid through this part of the country, in reference to this war that we 
are engaged in. It is said that it is an unholy war, a fratricidal war, 
an unrighteous war, an unconstitutional war; that it is all wrong, full of 
evil, iniquitous; and that, from the President of the United States down 
to the least private in the ranks, every man is guilty of outrageous, un- 
provoked, unjustifiable, cold-blooded murder every day. Such things 
have been said. Now, I want to ask any one this question : You all 
admit my first proposition, that it is the duty of all citizens, not only 
to obey but to protect the Government, and to subserve its interests, and 
see that its laws are executed in good faith. If, then, that is the case, 
I would ask these gentlemen, who are all the time denouncing the war 
and abusing those who are engaged in carrying it on, a few simple ques- 
tions. The first proposition of theirs is that the war is unconstitutional, 
that it is wrong to be engaged in it, or to prosecute it, or assist in pro.se- 
suting it in any way whatever. Let us examine this for a few moments. 
We had one of the best Governments in the v^orld — one of the best 
(lovernments God Almighty ever let the sun of heaven shine upon. We 
fiod thirty-four States composing that Government. Each and every 
one of these States had been received into the Union by the remaining 
portion of the States, and had become a part and parcel of the Govern- 
ment, under one and the same Constitution, having the same rights and 
privileges, owing the same allegiance and good faith to the Government, 
one State that another did. The Government then was a whole. It was 
not in particles. It was a Government intact. What then was done? 
And now, I corae to tell you how this unholy war, as some tender- 
hearted brethren please to call it, was brought about. Instead of sub- 
mitting to the Constitution of the United States, instead of observing its 
provisions, and acting in good faith toward the people who composed 
this Government, instead of acting in good faith toward the Government 
that had extended its protecting hand over them, what did these infernal 
rascals down there — these Southern brethren, as some individuals in the 
North, who are piously opposed to the war, call them — what did they 
do? Why, I'll tell you what they did, but you all know very well with- 
out my telling you. They organized one of the foulest, most damnable, 
hell-born, devil-begotten conspiracies that ever was organized by any set 
of men on earth against one of the very best Governments that ever ex- 
isted on the face of God Almighty's green earth. Why was that con- 
spiracy organized? What was the reason for it ? What cause had its 
originators for it? What harm, I ask any honest-minded man in my 
hearing, what harm had the Government then done these men? Had it 
trampled their rights under foot? Had it invaded their rights in any 
way whatever? Had it attempted to interfere with them or to oppress 
them in the least? Had it stricken them from the roll of honor? Had 
it taken from them any fame that they were justly entitled to as part and 
parcel of this Government? Had it sought to destroy them ? Had it 
sought to obliterate their State Governments, or anything of that kind? 
In what respect, I ask, had the Government of the United States acted 



8 PKESIDENT LINCOLN LAWFULLY ELECTED. 

in bad faith toward these people? As a Governraeut it had acted in no 
respect toward them but what it had toward eacli and every one else. 
It had acted in good faith ; it had executed its labor in good faith. Even 
if it had failed to execute its laws in good ftiith, the Government itself 
was not responsible. They were individual acts, never officially sanc- 
tioned. I say that the Government itself had never interfered with the 
rights of a single citizen of the United States. Why, then, should these 
men organize this conspiracy? For what cause was it done ? Was it 
because the Government was a bad one ? Was it because they expected 
to establish a better one? Certainly not. Was it because they expected 
to have a better Constitution ? Certainly not. Why, then, was it? I 
want any man to tell me — to give me one single, soiltary reason for the 
organization of this accursed conspiracy. Those reasons, that are given 
as individual reasons, against individuals, are no reasons at all. For, as 
I said before, the Government can not be held responsible for such acts. 
It is only responsible for the record it makes officially of itself. How 
was this conspiracy organized ? By whom? It was organized by Jeff. 
Davis, the most damnable traitor to his country that God Almighty ever 
let live, or that man ever saw on the face of the earth. It was gotten up by 
him and his minions, and for what purpose? Not for the purpose of 
restoring peace and harmony — not for the purpose of assisting and en- 
couraging the Government in its onward march of improvement and per 
fection — not for the purpose of benefiting his own people — not for the 
purpose of being of any benefit to any man, woman and child in the 
South or in the North, but for the reason that certain gentlemen in some 
parts of the country had got a little too large for their boots, and they 
proposed, among themselves, to make themselves the great " I Ams " of 
this continent. But it can't be done, gentlemen, I tell you so now in 
sincerity — you can't do it — no use of trying. [Applause.] Yes, those 
men thought if they could not be Presidents and Cabinet officers by 
election, they would be so by blood and carnage, and in violation of the 
laws of this land, and of every other land. 

The only reason these men have given for this rebellion was because 
Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States. I want to 
ask any man, I care not who he is, whether Abraham Lincoln was not 
elected according to the forms of law, and according to the Constitution 
of the country. Was not he elected by a majority of the people of the 
United States who were authorized to cast their votes for him? He cer- 
tainly was. If he was so elected — you all know I opposed him, but, at 
the same time, I was bound to admit that he was honestly and fairly 
elected as a citizen of a free Government, and that the people were fairly 
entitled to their choice — if they elected him, it was my duty to bow to 
the dictates of the American people as expressed at the ballot-box, and 
to acquiesce in their will. This was their excuse. They rebelled be- 
cause a certain man was elected President of the United States. Did 
they rebel when Jackson was elected ? I suppose they had not got quite 
ready for it. They had not got the thing as well fixed as when old 
Buchanan allowed them to plunder the Government, and steal all the 
guns from the arsenals and forts throughout the country. [Applause.] 



WAS IT CONSTITUTIONAL? 9 



THE CAUSE OP THE EEBELLION. 

Now, the election of Mr. Lincoln is the cause, the reason assij^ned for 
these people having rebelled against the Government. But we are told 
at home here, that the' President of the United States has violated the 
Conetitution in calling out an army to suppress this rebellion — that he 
had no right — that it was a violation of law, and a usurpation of power, 
taking upon himself the exercise of power not conferred upon him. I 
would like to answer that argument. I will let any gentleman in this 
or any other country take the argument I make in reply to it, sift it, and 
see if it is not logical, proper and loyal. Why did Mr. Lincoln call out 
this army? Do these men, when they talk about the unconstitutionality 
of calling out the forces of the United States, tell you why they were 
called out? If so, what do they say? What objection have they to 
urge to the calling out of au army? None in the world, but that we 
have no right to fight these men — no right to make war upon ourselves — 
we can not make war upon our own citizens, hence it is unconstitutional 
for this army to be called out to suppress this rebellion. I want these 
gentlemen to tell me this first : I understand that the Constitution of 
the United States holds each State in the [Jnion to be a part of the 
Grovernment. The Government is made up of a union of all the States. 
If so, I would like to know how any man has a right to carve out for 
himself a portion of these States, a part of this Government, and to 
claim it for his Government. Was it constitutional for these members 
of Congress to secede, to go home and declare their States no longer a 
part of the Union ? Was that constitutional ? I think it was very un- 
constitutional. Was it constitutional for them to steal all the forts, ar- 
senals, arms and military accouterments belonging to the United States 
Government? Was it according to the Constitution of the country for 
them to organize an armed force, move down to Charlestown and attack 
Fort Sumter, while it belonged to the United States Government? I 
think not. Was it constitutional to meet and elect Jeff. Davis, President 
of the Southern Confederacy ? I think not. Who ever heard of two 
Presidents of the United States? Does the Constitution permit it? I 
think not. But these people undertook to make two Presidents. They 
attempted to make Jeff. Davis President of a portion of the United 
States, after the voice of the people had legally and rightfully chosen 
Abraham Lincoln. Was that act constitutional ? Was it constitutional 
in them, after they had elected Jeff. Davis, to assemble their armies at 
Manassas Gap, and to make the Mississippi River bristle with their bay- 
onets and cannons, from one end of that stream to the other? Was it 
constitutional in them to do all that? I would like some man to tell 
me. I understand that the Mississippi River is a part of the American 
Continent — one of the mighty rivers of this country — one that Jefferson 
himself declared should be free to the commerce of the world. What 
was that army put there for? Was it put there to fight Great Britain, 
France, or any foreign power? No ; it was put there to fight against 
the United States Government, to defy its authority and power, and to 
prevent it from exercising the control which justly belongs to it, over a 
portion of the United States Government. Waa it constitutional for 



10 WE FIGHT IN SELF-DEFENSE. 

these gentlemen to blockade the Mississippi River at Columbus, to stop 
your men of the northwest from taking your produce xlown to New 
Orleans and other points? Was that constitutional? I suppose not. 
Was it constitutional for them to declare Florida no longer a part of the 
United States' Government? Don't you know that the United States 
(Jovcrnment paid a large amount of money for the purpose of obtaining 
the territory of Florida, and was it constitutional for them to swindle 
the United States Government out (5f it? Was it constitutional for them 
to declare the Louisiana Purchase no longer a part of the Government? 
Was it constitutional for them to declare Texas no longer a part of the 
Union, after we had settled the cjuestion by a bloody war — when we had, 
too, paid a large amount of money to settle the question. Although 
3'ou fought with Mexico, and although many of your brave sons lie there 
now, their bones bleaching beneath the parching suns of Mexico, although 
that was done, yet these men say we will take the territory thus acquired 
to ourselves, and they say to you, get ye hence, we know ye not; we care 
not how much money you have expended on it, we will take it to our- 
selves. Was that constitutional? I want these apologists for secession, 
these denouncers of the war, these defamers and slanderers of our 
country's defenders — the brave soldiers who are now in the field — to tell 
me whether these acts were constitutional or unconstitutional? 

Now, if these acts were unconstitutional, let us examine the other side 
of the question for a moment. What has been done in opposition to 
these acts? What have we done? Let me ask any man in this country, 
what has been done in opposition to these unconstitutional acts? Why, 
we have declared war, we have raised an army, we have passed a con- 
scription act. The seceders forced us to fight, when we did not want to 
know how, but these acts of ours are all grave usurpations of a power 
we never possessed. They are monsters in themselves. Let us see. 
Here we have Jefi". Davis on one side, with all these acts I have named, 
and the President of the United States on the other. What has he 
done ? He has called out an army to enforce the laws of the land — 
that 's all — against a party that has not committed a single constitutional 
act, but whose every act since the inauguration of the war, has been 
directly and openly at variance, with the Constitution of the United 
States. Is it not the first lesson you learn in this country, that it is your 
duty to obey the Constitution and laws of the land? Then, I ask you, 
what was Abraham Lincoln, as President of the United States, in duty 
bound to do ? Was he to sit quietly by and witness these acts, see them 
all perpetrated before his face, when he was the Chief Magistrate of our 
nation, the great conservator of the peace, the great head of the Govern- 
ment, and the one who had the right to execute and administer the laws ; 
was he to sit quietly by, and allow these acts, in violation of the Consti- 
tution, in violation of everything that was right; to sit quietly by and 
say, it will all come right after a while; these people are a little mad 
because I am elected President, but they will cool oft' after a while, and 
then, I guess, I will get their permission to stay here for the next four 
years. What would you have said to any man who would have permitted 
these hounds to have gone on in their wicked career of disrupting tlie 
<iovernment? What would you have said to Mr. Lincoln, had he said : 



COUNTRY BEFORE PARTY. 11 

" Better let the thing go ; it 's too late now !" I suppose that in 1832, 
■when General Jackson said to Mr. Calhoun and some other Southern 
gentlemen, who were about to rebel on account of the tariif, when he told 
them, by the Eternal God he would hang them if they did'nt behave 
themselves, nobody was mad then. I don't hear that anybody cried out 
that Jackson was unconstitutional. Calhoun wanted to revolutionize the 
Government and set up his own authority in its stead, but Jackson told 
him what he might expect if he kept on much longer, and Mr. Calhoun 
just quit right there ; Jackson made them stop the thing. lie told 
them not to enter into any more conspiracies of the kind, and the country 
sustained him. [Applause.] Now, let us examine the unconstitution- 
ality of these acts, all of them, as we go along. First, Is it unconstitu- 
tional in Mr. Lincoln to call out an army ? It is called out in opposi- 
tion to an army called out by Jeff. Davis, in violation of law, order and 
good faith, and in direct violation of the Constitution of the United 
States. If Jeff. Davis violated the Constitution of the United States in 
calling out his army, I think the converse of the proposition would be 
sustaining the Constitution. If Jeff, violated the Constitution, Mr. Lin- 
coln did just the opposite to him ; so he supported the Constitution. 
[Applause.] Mr. Lincoln was obeying the Constitution in taking means 
to make Jeff. Davis obey it. As long as a man acts in such a manner 
as to require other men to o.bey the Constitution, he is obeying the Con- 
stitution himself. So much then for the constitutionality or unconstitu- 
tionality of that portion of it. I believe that we have no history, no 
history of any government which shows to us that the one in power — 
the one who is Chief iMagistrate, who wielded the government of the 
nation, has not the right to call out armies and put them in the field to 
suppress rebellions, put down insurrections, put down mobs, riots and 
everything of the kind. The very peace of society requires that this 
power should be placed in the hands of somebody. In civil law the 
power is extended to the sheriffs of counties, and he has a right to call 
out the posse comitatus to put down mobs and stop disturbances. Why? 
For the peace, order and good government of society; in order to pre- 
vent bloodshed and keep peace in the county, that every man shall obey 
the law, and be recognized as a constitution-loving man, who yields a 
willing obedience to the laws of the land. In this particular, it was the 
same thing. Insurrection against the Government, rebellion against the 
laws and the Constitution, an attempt to destroy the Government, an 
attempt to make a perfect wreck of it ; it was the duty of the President — 
all citizens of the United States owing allegiance to the Government, as 
they do — to call upon them to assist in suppressing this rebellion, this 
insurrection against the Government of the United States. [Applause.] 
As soon as this thing was discovered, as soon as it was seen that we 
had this war in the land, many men who had opposed Mr. Lincoln and 
his election came forward to assist in re-establishing the Government 
under his administration. It made no difference to them what were Mr. 
Lincoln's political antecedents. They were willing to sec the Govern- 
ment restored and re-established under anybody's administration, because 
they were citizens of the Government and owed it their allegiance, 
because they were patriots and loved their country. They loved peace, 



12 EEBEL USURPATIONS. 

and were willing to assist in restoring the Government to peace. 
[Applause.] 

But it is said that a great many things have been done not only by the 
Administration but by the army that are so outrageous that the people 
can't stand it any longer. Well, let us see. I want to contrast the 
views of some gentlemen at the North with the views of their Southern 
brethren. Jeff. Davis says — so does Alexander 11. Stephens — that the 
usurpations of President Lincoln are such that the idea of reconstructing 
the Government is perfectly ridiculous. My God ! ain't it astonishing 
that Jeff. Davis should talk about any man being a usurper? I hear 
that Jeff, says the Northern people are usurping powers that don't 
belong to them, and that never have been guarantied to them. These 
are the kind of speeches they make to the people of the South. But 
Jeff, doesn't turn round to the people and say to them, " I forgot to say 
to you that we were exercising a little too much power ourselves ; but 
we'll not mind that just now — we'll talk of that hereafter." So it seems 
to be forgotten in this country when speeches are made about the usurp- 
ations of power. They forget that Jeif. and his crowd are doing anything 
wrong. Oh, no ! They are honest and clever people, they all belong 
to the church, all say their prayers. But we are a set of wicked devils, 
usurping power that don't belong to us, and all the time violating the 
Constitution that these pious people in the South respect so much and 
have such a yearning for. We are a set of Northern sinners, and there 
is no salvation for us ; but down South they never sin against God, man, 
or the Constitution of the United States. That's what we are told here 
in the North, right here in the State of Illinois. [Laughter.] 

THE CONSCRIPTION BILL. 

It is said that the very idea of forcing a man into the array under the 
Conscription Law is infamous. Let us see. What is a Conscription 
Law? It is a law enacted by the legislative power of the country foi 
the protection of the Government, for enrolling soldiers to defend the 
Government against all its foes, foreign or domestic. Do those people 
who talk of the infamous, the odious Conscription Bill, not know that 
there is not a Government on top of earth but passes a Conscription 
Law whenever they desire to raise troops for any emergency whatsoever ? 
Some Governments raise troops without Conscription Laws. They just 
issue proclamations and tell the people to march up and be soldiers 
without further notice. This is the way they do in the land of Jeff. 
[Laughter.] He issued an order the other day without any act of Con- 
gress. They have to go forward and deliver themselves up or they will 
be arrested and shot as deserters. But that is all right, of course, 
because Jeff, does it. He has a right to do that. But if the President 
of the United States or the Congress of the United States happen to pass 
a Conscription Law when we have not troops enough to put down this 
rebellion, it is an outrage. I want to say this : If I was President of 
the United States, and had the power, and if Jeff. Davis or any other 
Jeff, was fighting against the Government to destroy it, whether I had a 
Conscription Law or not, I would have soldiers. [Applause.] And every 



THE MOB SPIRIT. 13 

man I found trying to excite sedition or to produce dissatisfaction in the 
army that was fighting for the Government, I wouM hang on the first 
tree I came to. [Applause.] That's what I'd do with them. 

Whenever gentlemen talk in tliis country about obeying law, and 
about the violation of the Constitution — whenever gentlemen in this or 
any country are denouncing men for the exercise of power that doesn't 
belong to them, why, in God's name, let them try and obey the laws 
themselves before they talk to others about it. Look at New York. 
Here is a Conscription Law attempted to be enforced for the purpose of 
raising soldiers to fiirht for the old flag that was carried by Washington 
on many a bloody field ; that our fathers and brothers have waved and 
shaken in the face of the enemy until they trembled with fear because 
of the power that was known to be in that old banner ; to fight by the 
side of veterans who have for over two years marched to the music of the 
Union ; to fight for old Yankee Doodle, as we always did. But m§n 
were told that this law must be opposed, that mobs must be raised to 
prevent its enforcement ; and these men who invite the mob spirit in 
New York are clamorous for the Constitution and laws. They want the 
letter of the Constitution adhered to. They want the laws all adminis- 
tered properly. In New York, gentlemen will get up and make speeches 
and talk about usurpation in ofiice and the unjust exercise of power and 
all this, to do what ? To make people law abiding, Constitution loving 
citizens ? No ; but to excite the populace to every deed of violence and 
atrocity ; to make them resist the law openly ; to make them willfully 
murder their fellow-citizens in the sti-eets ; to make them commit acts of 
robbery, murder and arson. Was not that the result of these teachings 
in New York ? What did they do for the people whom they excited 
thus? Did they prevent any of them from being enrolled? No; but 
they caused the streets of New York to flow with the blood of their fel- 
low-citizens. And so it will always be when such riots are attempted, 
because the Government has the power to put them down, and will put 
them down, and the gentlemen who try to excite mobs will be the first to 
3uflFer. They will be the first to run out of the country to get rid of the 
law, too. [Applause.] 

There are a great many other objections to the prosecution of this war. 
I hear it said that enough blood has been spilt already ; that we ought 
to stop it ; that this war ought to cease. I hear of men making speeches 
around through the country, and appealing to the women and children to 
know if this war has not gone on long enough, and if it ought not to be 
stopped before any more blood is shed. They appeal to the old gray- 
headed men, and they say you have lost your brothers and sons and grand- 
sons. The soil is wet with their blood. It is a bloody war, an unnatural 
war ; hence let us stop it. Fellow-citizens, it is true that many a brave 
man has been lost. We have lost many a brave soldier. Perry county 
has buried many of her cherished sons. On the soil of the South we have 
buried many more, who there sleep the sleep that knows no waking. 
But we have buried them with honor. They have died like true patriots 
and soldiers, shouting, "Let me die like a soldier of the Union." I 
would rather die like a soldier than live like a traitor. [Applause.] 
They want to stop the war to prevent the further effusion of blood. 



14 THIS GOVERNMENT WORTH FIGHTING FOR. 

Fellow-citizens, this Government is a Government that we all love or 
once loved. We love the people, the country, the rivers, the rocks, the 
trees, everything in it. They are ours. It is our people, our rivers, our 
lakes, our shores, our rocks, our mountains, our rills, our hollows. Ir 
is our people, our Government, the best and brightest that ever existed on 
earth ; and before I would see this war stop until the Government i'^ 
restored in all its former power and supiemacy, I would rather see the 
graves of ourselves, our sons and our brothers, mountains high. I would 
rather see carcasses sufficient to make bridges across the widest streams 
before this war should stop, until the true soldier of the Union could wave 
his saber in his strong right hand and cleave the head from every traitor 
in the land. [Loud applause.] This Government is worth figliting for. 
It is worth generations and centuries of war. It is worth the lives of the 
best and noblest men in the land, and may they all be sacrificed before 
the war shall stop and leave an armed traitor in the land. [Applause.") 
We will fight for this Government for the sake of ourselves and our 
children. Our little ones shall read in history of the men who stood by 
the Government in its dark and gloomy hours, and it shall be the proud 
boast of many that their fathers died in this glorious struggle for Amer- 
ican liberty. [Applause.] 

PEACE MEN. 

But we find other objections, too. Many say, well, we are for the Gov- 
ernment, it is true, but we are for peace ; we are for the Union, but we 
are opposed to the war. Well, I suppose we are all for peace. I know 
I am. Some people call themselves peace men. Great God, fellow-citi- 
zens, we are all peace men. Is there a man here that ia not for peace ? 
Not at all. But how are you for it? Do these gentlemen tell you how 
they are for peace ? I want them to tell me ; is it a dirty, cowardly 
peace, a disgraceful peace that divides our Government, or what sort of 
a peace is it ? If I were a politician or a statesmen, and if I wore to get 
up before the community, and tell them I was for a thing, I would give 
them the reason for it. You hear peace speeches made very often. 'We 
are for peace, they say. I say so, too. I am for peace as much as 
any man can be. We will meet them half-way, and shake hands on this 
proposition. We are both for peace. But I will tell you what sort of 
a peace I am for. 1 am not for a piere of a country ! [Applause.] I 
am for this sort of a peace : before this rebellion broke out, we had 
peace. Before the rebels raised armies to fight against our Government, 
we had peace. While the stars and stripes floated from Maine to Cali- 
fornia, and from the lakes in the North to the gulfs in the South, we had 
peace. While the same martial music was played in every town and 
hamlet throughout the length and breadth ot the land, we had peace. 
While we had one army, one navy, one President, one United States, 
one people, we had peace. Then, I say, I am for the same kind of peace 
again, and, so help me God. I want no other kind. [Applause.] I am 
for the same country and the same Constitution. And I can tell these 
gentlemen how they can get peace to-morrow. You once w^ere the State 
of Mississippi, belonging to the United States Government ; so you were 



IGNOMINIOUS TERMS OF SYMPATHIZERS. 15 

once tlie State of Louisiana ; so of all these seceded Stace?. You raised 
the puny arm of rebellion. You mustered yourselves against the Gov- 
ernment, and brought war and bloodshed. You did all these things. 
Now. lay down your arms, as rebels ought to do, pay obedience to the 
Government, again say that I owed allegiance to the Government of the 
United States once; I owe it again. Walk back as a whipped child (as 
you are, and will be worse if you don't quit soon) to a fond indulgent 
parent, who loved you, and gave you nourishment. Now, ray fellow- 
citizens, that is the kind of peace I am for. [Applause.] Now, these 
other gentlemen, who talk about peace, don't tell you what kind of a peace 
they want. Well, I can tell you. I don't want any man to understand 
by my argument that I am striking at any party, or any set of men. I 
only strike at individuals who are trying to ruin the country. If, how- 
ever, the shoe fits any body, I can't help it. This is a free country. 
He can do as he pleases about it, I suppose. Now, let us sec what sort 
of peace some men are for. Some men are in favor of peace, expecting to 
gain peace by stopping the " further offensive prosecution " of the war. 
They are opposed to the further offensive prosecution of the war. What 
does that mean? It means this : when we marched to Fort Henry, that 
was an offensive prosecution of the war ; when we marched on Fort 
Donelson, that was an offensive prosecution of the war ; when we marched 
on each and every battle-field, it was an offensive prosecution of the war. 
As long as we keep our armies in the Southern States, and make them 
recognize the Constitution of the United States, and the supremacy of 
the laws, it is an offensive prosecution of the war. If that is correct, I 
want to take the language I see reported in some of the speeches made 
on this subject, and sift it a little. Their argument is this : a further 
prosecution of the war is unconstitutional, therefore, we are for peace. 
They all declare that to be their position on this subject. We fought 
the battle of Thompson's Hills on the 1st of May, and whipped the rebels; 
that was an offensive prosecution of the war, and that was unconstitu- 
tional. When we fought them at Raymond, and whipped them, it was 
an offensive prosecution of the war. The battle of Jackson^was an 
uffensive prosecution of the war — it was very offensive to the rebels. 
[Laughter.] When we fought the battle of Black River, it was an of- 
fensive prosecution of the war. When we invested Vicksburg, it was 
=in unconstitutional act, being an offensive prosecution of the war. When 
ve took thirty-two thousand prisoners, we went beyond the limits of the 
Constitution very much indeed. That was the most offensive act of the 
Trar, and we ought to apologize to Jeff, for having done such a thing. 
^Applause.] According to these arguments, each battle we fought to 
-jpen the Mississippi River was an unconstitutional fight. Was it uncon- 
stitutional to take Vicksburg ? That was an offensive prosecution of 
the war. Then I want these gentlemen to tell me what they mean. 
They want us not to prosecute this war any further. We are to with- 
draw our armies from the South. We are to take them out of Missis- 
sippi, Tennessee, Virginia, and all other States that they are now in, and 
cease to prosecute the war offensively any further. We are to say to 
the rebels, "now, gentlemen, we won't do anything further: we'll quit 
:i while and see if you won't behave yourselves." They'll be certain to 



16 UNION SOLDIEES SLANDERED. 

do it, because they're tbat kind of men. Well, now, wliat will be the 
result of this ? If we stop the active and offensive j^rosecution of the 
war, in three months they will have Columbus, Kentucky ; the whole 
of Mississippi River, and all the territory that we have been driving 
them out of for the last two years. Now, is this the kind of peace we 
want? [Cries of" no," " no."] I want to know. These fellows, either 
mean that they are afraid to fight themselves, and they want to stop the 
war for fear they will have to fight, or else the war don't suit them, be- 
cause it is whipping their friends, or they don't like to see blood for fear 
they will faint, or they are afraid of something, I can not tell what. 
The reason that I speak of these things is because I have heard of them. 
I have seen these arguments made in the papers, and I like to meet them. 
Such arguments ought to be met — ought to be refuted. 

But, fellow-citizens, so far as that question is concerned, in reference 
to the right and the power of the Government to prosecute this war, no 
sensible man on earth, who is loyal to his country, will doubt for one 
single moment. If he is not a very loyal man, he will find all sorts of 
difficulties and objections that can be mustered up to try to stop the war 
in every possible way. 

ABOUT CHICKEN STEALING. 

If they can not succeed in doing this, nothing will satisfy them but 
they must engage in the mean, contemptible, villainous work of slander- 
ing our brave soldiers, for the purpose of detracting from their useful- 
ness and doing injury to their cause. I believe there is one reason given 
through this country for stopping the war, and it is a beautiful reason, 
too, just like the fellows who advance it. They say that the soldiers 
steal chickens and hogs and cows and sheep, and that they burn houses 
and fences, and destroy property through the South. That is a horrible 
aff"air, really. It is dreadful to think of — this thing of stealing chickens 
and pigs. Well, I will tell you the truth about it. I want to talk about 
that to you. In the first place, these men who are talking about such 
things, never were in the army. They don't know anything about war. 
They never read the history of any war on top of earth, or, if they have, 
they have forgotten it. No man ever heard of an array marching through 
a country without committing depredations in it. Men can not all be 
controlled. These things will happen in spite of all the precautions 
that may be taken to prevent them. There are in the army, just as there 
are at home, men who will do wrong. Is there never a house burned in 
Illinois, never a hog or a horse stolen — never any robbery done at home? 
la the army as at home, there are good and bad, all sorts of men. 
Hence, we find that a great many things are done which we would 
rather were not done. But now I will tell you about this stealing. I 
know something about it. I suppose this is an offensive prosecution of 
war. Let us examine it for a moment. How did these gentlemen 
find out that this was going on? What do they know about it? They 
get the tales of some fellows who have run away in order to keep out 
of a fight, and who lie when they come home in order to cover up the 
real cause of their cowardly conduct. Tbat is exactly the way it comes. 



OUR LOYAL ARMY. 17 

But do you ever hear them talk of Jeff. Davis' soldiers burning prop- 
erty? Do you ever hear of JefiVs men stealing any chickens, or hogs, 
or cows ? Never. Well, I have known them to do it, and they beat us 
at it all the time. [Laughter.] I will tell you what we do. When I started 
from Grand Gulf, or Bruinsburg, with my division, we had but five days' 
rations. We marched to Jackson, fought two battles on the way, and 
when we got there, fought another, and fought two in returning to Vicks- 
burg — making five battles before we got to Vicksburg, on five days' ra- 
tions. We surrounded Vicksburg, and were there fully seven days. The 
boys had nothing to eat but two crackers a day, and a half ration of 
meat. I told them to take hogs, chickens and cows, and I'll do it again. 
[Applause.] And I will tell these gentlemen now, that whenever sol- 
diers under me are hungry and barefooted, have got nothing to eat, and 
are fighting men in rebellion against this country, perhaps some of the 
friends of these growlers, whenever they are hungry, if I can find any- 
thing in the country for them to eat, they shall have it. [Applause.] 
I shall not hesitate a bit to take all I can find to feed my men. That is 
war — oifensive war — if you like. No officer is worth a cent, or fit to be 
intrusted with the care and command of men, who won't do just the same 
thing. March through the Southern States, and follow the rebel army, 
if you don't believe these Confederate fellows will steal all they can lay 
their hands on. They have no commissary, and no commissary stores ex- 
cept what they get in the country. They take everything they come to. 
They live ofi" of the country through which they march. They steal all the 
niggers they find, to keep them out of our hands. But we never hear of 
any of these things being done by the rebels. I suppose it is all right. 
They stripped the country in Mississippi to such an extent that we have 
to-day to feed citizens for sixty miles round Vicksburg. That is a posi- 
tive fact. I issued rations before I left there to families living sixty 
miles from Vickburg. They were robbed and plundered by Jeff. Davis' 
soldiers, left without a bit to eat, and I don't know what would have be- 
come of them if we hadn't taken Vicksburg. But yet we must bear all 
the blame. We find men even here at home who are willing to slander 
us, and call us thieves and robbers and plunderers, and at the same time 
nothing is said about these gentlemen on the other side. [Applause.] 
I suppose, these gentlemen who call us robbers and thieves, don't think 
for a moment that the rebel army is trying to rob them of their bright- 
est heritage on earth — this Government. They don't think that the men 
we are fighting are trying to destroy them, bankrupt them, and make 
them a poor, impoverished people. They only think we are taking a few 
bites to eat from these poor rebels. Ah ! it is very mortifying, indeed, 
to certain individuals, that such a thing should be done. [Laughter.] 

So far, then, as this accusation is concerned, I have told you the truth 
about it. I have nothing to cover up in reference to the army — not a 
thing. My friends, I am proud of that army, as all loyal men are. 
[Applause.] But so far as discussing this question further in reference 
to this point is concerned, it is not necessary. I know that no man in 
this country, in his sober senses, when he comes to reflect, can be any- 
thing else but a lover of his country. At least he ought not to be. I 



18 SOLDIERS, PATRIOTS, NOT PARTISANS. 

believe tliey all are if tliey will only reflect in reference to their interest 
and their duty. [Applause.] I feel this to be the case. 

ABOUT ABOLITIONISM. 

There is one other thing I want to say to you. It is this : I want to 
<rive the folks of this county an idea about it. They say John Logan, 
iiilly, Jack, Bob, Tom, and all us chaps down in the army, are Aboli- 
tionists — regular straight-outs. Why are we Abolitionists? I want 
them to tell me how they know I am an Abolitionist. I have never made a 
speech until yesterday since the war commenced, except once, when I spoke 
a short time to get some recruits. I have never made a speech since I 
have been in the army of any kind that could be called apolitical speech. 
How do they know we are all Abolitionists ? Did we tell them so ? Did we 
say so ? Why is it that they consider us all Abolitionists ? Why, I 
will tell you the reason. It is because we are in the army and Abraham 
Lincoln is President. That is the reason. These men don't know 
enough, or don't want to know, that Abraham Lincoln, because he is 
President, don't own the Government. This is our Government. This 
war ain't fighting for Mr. Lincoln. It is fighting for the Union, for the 
Government. I suppose that when a man went to Mexico as a United 
States soldier it didn't make him an Abolitionist. If fighting under Abe 
Lincoln makes every one an Abolitionist, I suppose that fighting under 
Polk made everybody a Democrat. That may be true ; but when they 
came home, if you recollect, they elected Gen. Taylor, who was a Whig. 
I don't care a cent what they call me. All I have to say to any man 
who calls me an x\bolitionist is that " a rose by any other name would 
smell as sweet," and that they can call me any name they please. If 
fighting for the union of these States, with the old flag over my head, 
fighting for our Government, against rebels and traitors, if that makes 
me an Abolitionist, all right. I only wish there was a million more of 
them than there are. [Applause.] If that makes a man an Abolition- 
ist, let me warn these gentlemen that there will be a great many of them. 
If loving the Government of our fathers, revering the Constitution, fight- 
ing for the same Government and the same cause, is sufficient inducement 
to these men to call such names, let them do it. We have no objection. 
We don't care. We laugh at it. It is only fun for us to be called such 
names. We care nothing about it. We know that the country knowa 
what we are doing, and God in heaven, who views the hearts of all men, 
knows we are honest and true to our country. Would to God these 
gentlemen could say the same ! [Applause.] No, my friends, it makes 
a man a patriot, nothing more, nothing less, to fight for his country. It 
does not make him a Democrat, or a Kepublican, or an Abolitionist. 
Whenever this war is over this is a free country. If we want politics 
then we will have them. That's all. If we don't, nobody need get mad 
about it. They had better let us alone, and not call us nicknames before 
we get home. Let us alone until we get back, gentlemen, if you please. 
We will be the most peaceable and quiet men in the world. We will be 
perfectly well educated in all the fine arts and sciences and good man- 
ners. We will show these gentlemen some of the politeness we have 



SLAVERY "GONE UP." 19 

learned in the army. We will treat one another kindly and respectfully, 
and if we get a little mad about anything- we will just t^ettle it right 
there. [Laughter.] But I suppose folks are joking who say these things. 
They don't intend anything wrong. I do ask them to just let the boys 
alone and let the people alone. If they don't want to be for the Gov- 
ernment, let people alone who are for it. If they do that there will be 
peace at home. We don't think it makes us Abolitionists to fight for 
our country. We don't think it makes us Abolitionists because niggers 
run away. Just here let me tell these gentlemen who talk so much 
about Abolitionists and nigger stealing, that all the prayers that can be 
sent up (it makes no difference, outside of proclamation or anything 
else), that machine is gone up, played out. It will never do a day's good 
again. [Applause.] There is no doubt of that, and the people ot the 
North are not responsible. The Southern gentlemen have done it them- 
selves. Nobody is responsible but themselves for the loss of their slaves. 
Let us say to these men now, who have such great sympathy for the 
people of the South, and are crying out against soldiers— I tell them 
that these men in the South lost more niggers in thirty days after the 
rebellion commenced than they would have lost in many years by all the 
Abolitionists in the United States. I told you that the army which was 
in front of us stole everything they could lay their hands on. The rebels 
steal every nicger they see and take them to some State where they think 
we are not likely to go. They are afraid the Yankees will steal them. 
These are positive facts. The rebel soldiers, men who never owned a 
nigger in their lives, steal them and run them off, and sell them for two 
orThree hundred dollars apiece. They say that the institution is gone, 
and they don't think it will ever amount to anything again. They just 
want to be independent of us. That's all they are fighting for. 

THE ARMY OUGHT TO BE INCREASED. 

Now, fellow-citizens, I want to talk to you about something else. In 
talking' about that, I want to encourage you, that you may enroll the 
names of all the men in this county under the Conscription Act, that we 
may increase our army. I can give you a reason for it. I believe to-day, 
I believe it honestly, that if the people of the North were united, and all 
stood upon one platform, as we do in the army, that this rebellion would 
be crushed in ninety days. Our platform is this : We are for our Gov- 
ernment, right or wrong. We are for restoring that Government. ^ We 
are not for the " Union as it was and the Constitution as it is." We are 
for the Union any how, any way we can get it ; and get it we will in 
some shape or other. I want to show you the reason why more troops 
ought to be raised. If the people were united there would be no trouble 
about getting troops. There would be no trouble at home. We would 
have the sympathy of the whole people. The soldier would be cheered 
and comforted by knowing that he had the sympathy of the people at 
home. He would not be reflecting before going into battle that his 
neighbors at home thought he was doing wrong, and that he had not 
their sympathies. He would go to the field with a stouter and a braver 
heart if buoyed up with the assurance that his friends and neighbors 



20 FRENCH INTERVENTION. 

indorsed him in his course and wished him God speed. We can crush 
this rebellion. I know it. Why. we have marched a little army clear 
from Cairo to Vioksburg. Below, a small one has marched from New 
Orleans to Port Hudson. We have opened the Mississippi river. We 
have split the Confederacy in two, leaving on one side Texas, Louisiana, 
Arkansas and Missouri — more territory than is on the eastern side. We 
have made a gulf that is impassable for them. We have cut them in 
two, separated them, one half from the other. We can hurl our strength 
upon one half and whip them, then upon the other and whip that. This 
idea that one of them is as good as five of us is pretty well played out. 
They are satisfied of that fact. They are pretty well satisfied that one 
Vankce is just as good as one gentleman from the South, and when they 
get into close quarters they think he is a little better. [Applause.] We 
have the men and the means to crush out the rebellion and restore the 
Union. All we want is the sympathy of the people. When they are 
crushed out I hope the President of the United States will have th( 
nerve to say, " Jeff., come forth ; you have forfeited your head by youi 
treason to your country and it shall come off your shoulders.'' [Ap 
plause.] When that is done there will be no more treason in thit 
country. There will be no more rebels in the United States, no more 
foul conspirators against the Government. Let us do that, and when we 
hare done it we have another job before us. We see to-day that France 
is growling at the United States Government. We see that France, 
during a time when we were engaged in a civil war, took advantage of 
that and poured her troops into Mexico. She has captured it, and is 
about to establish an empire and place an emperor upon the throne. 
Because we had our divisions at home and could not attend to him. 
Napoleon did this. While he has gone into Mexico and taken possession 
there, he has got round on our right, round by Texas, where it is easy 
for him to invade the soil of the United States: easy to march his army 
into Texas and other Southern States and give assistance to the rebels. 
I pledge you my word, my countrymen, to-day, that Jeff. Davis and his 
pretended Government have asked and solicited Napoleon Bonaparte to 
come to their rescue and save them. They have promised to become 
subjects of France rather than be forced to be citizens of the United 
States Government. One of the officers of their army told me that thei) 
Minister was authorized to make the proposition, and that the high officiah 
of the Confederate (jovernment are in I'avor of it, and would do it before* 
they would ever submit to the United States Government any more 
But when you come to talk to the common people they say quite differ- 
ently. When you catch the men who are forced to fight the battles of 
the South, they say, whenever it happens we are with you. It shows 
that there are men there who have not lost all their feeling for the old 
flag and the old Government; there are men there who love this Gov- 
ernment. This is the trutli. 

I say, by the preparations that are being made in France, I am per- 
fectly sati.sfied it is the intention to unite with the South, and attempt to 
coerce us into measures to recognize the independence of the South, and 
allow them to become a dependency of France. We ought to have an 
army to not only crush out the rebellion, but to take France by the head 



INTRIGUERS IN THE WEST. 21 

and heels, and throttle her until she squeals. [Applause.] I don't 
know wliether there arc men in the North who would like to see France 
have a part of this country or not. But, for the reasons I have named. 
v,e ought to have this large array. I believe we have men enough in the 
field to whip the rebels, but we ought to have a large army. Whenever 
we have, you will sec tliat the rebels will begin to lay down their guns. 
Toombs, Yancey and the leaders of the conspiracy will begin to make 
for some other country, for their own personal safety. 

THE NORTHWESTERN CONFEDERACY. 

But my friends, there is another side to this question, that many of 
you have not thought about. There is nobody wanting to arm men 
prospectively for a thing of that kind; but there is something else going 
on. Do you know, that at the time this rebellion broke out in the South, 
there was a regular organization to extend the rebellion a little further 
than the South. There were men at the time who were deep enougli 
steeped in villainy, to at least consent that if the South succeeded in es- 
tablishing her independence, then they would establish a Northwestern 
Confederacy, and unite with the South, if not as one Government, in 
sympathy and feeling, to arrange their commercial relations, so as to 
crush out a certain interest in another portion of the Government. 
Have you never heard men talk in this country about a Northwestern 
Confederacy? Have you never heard people say they believed it would 
be best to cut loose from the Yankee States? Have you never heard 
people say that we would have to cut loose, because the Yankees taxed 
us too much to send our produce to New York ; that the imposition of 
the tariff was such that we could not stand it in the Northwest? Have 
you never heard that? If you have not, let me tell you about it. Let 
me tell you what it means. It means this : That they would — at least 
some of the leaders, for I don't think the masses of the people ever en- 
tered into such a thing, or ever would — if they could only hold out the 
inducement and could only make the people believe that these rebels 
could not be put down, and could keep the Mississippi River blocked up 
so that our produce could not get down the Mississippi ; then if the re- 
bellion succeeded, it would be very easy to convince the people of the 
Northwest of the necessity for a Northwestern Confederacy. The people 
of the South would have passed an act declaring the Mississippi River 
free to the Northwestern States, provided they would secede from the 
Yankee States. That would have been the programme. The opening 
of the Mississippi would be the inducement, and the high tariff that 
would have to be paid on produce by railroad to the East, would be such 
an inducement also, that it is possible the men of the Northwest would 
have been carried off into the vortex of ruin by such sophistry and such 
illusions. That was the programme. When the rebellion had succeeded 
in separating the North from the South, a howl would have gone out in 
the Northwestern States, started by this set of gentlemen — " let us cut 
loose from New England; we can not afford to send our produce in thi.s 
way through that country, let us go South ; the people of the South will 
open the great artery of the nation to us, if y^e will only cut loose from 



22 YALLAXDIGHAM ^' ONE OF THEM." 

the Yankees." With a certain candidate for Governor of Ohio, as leader 
of that faction, this would have been attempted in the Northwest, I am 
:^ure. I do not say that he was in any conspiracy, nothing of that kind, 
nur do I propose to name the names of anybody. I only name him be- 
cause he would be a fit man, and would have accepted the leadership 
without the least remorse of conscience. When I was in Congress my- 
self, a great many men talked to me and told me that we would be bound 
to establish a Northwestern Confederacy — that there was an absolute 
necessity for it ; that we could not stand it any longer. I thought it 
was a joke. I could not believe there were such fools and fanatics liv- 
ing. But what I have heard from Southern men, what I have seen in 
Southern papers, and the conduct of certain men in the Northwest, has 
satisfied me that there was a perfect understanding in reference to this 
thing. Why is it that a proposition was made in Congress — not in our 
Congress, but in the so-called Congress of the Confederate States — why 
is it that a proposition was introduced there, saying to the Northwest 
that if they would only desist from the war, they would open the Mis- 
sissippi River to the Northwest? That was done in the Confederate 
Congress. Some gentlemen in our country are in favor of it too ; it 
only shows the programme that was laid down to be carried out. And 
these things are perfectly plain. If men will examine, they will see for 
themselves. 

Now, I don't believe the masses are for any such thing. I do not 
believe Republicans, Democrats, or Abolitionists in this country arc for 
any such thing, when they come to examine themselves and their con- 
sciences correctly, except certain men, who are ambitious and aspiring 
demagogues, who would be willing to lead the Government and the 
people anywhere, for the purpose of giving themselves a little character 
and promotion. I say to you people, weigh well the argument made to 
you by all men in such times as these — during the time that this war is 
going on. See that there is justice in the argument, that there is logic 
in it. See that it is sound, that it does not tend to the destruction of 
the Government, that you can see perfectly and plainly the prospect in 
it before you act. Do that, and you will get along much better 
[Applause.] 

LINCOLN BASTILES 

Some men in this country say that they have been incarcerated in — J 
forget the name they call the thing, but I believe it is Lincoln bastiles/ 
I never heard of a Lincoln bastile before. They say this is a reign of 
terror. I have nothing to say about them, only this, if they were im- 
properly put in the bastile, I am very sorry for it ; if they were properly 
put there; I am very sorry they were not kept there. [Applause.] They 
ought to know whether they were put there rightfully or not. When- 
ever you hear a man get up and make a speech, and tell the crowd he is 
afraid he will be arrested by some Lincoln soldiers, you may be sure 
there is something wrong about him. If he is a good Union man, and 
talks Union talk, there is no danger of his being arrested. If he is for 
his Government, for his country, and shows it by his conversation, and 



YOU AEE A UNIOX MAX OR TRAITOR. 2l^ 

by his conduct, there is no clanger of his being put in prison — not a par- 
ticle, not a bit of it. I don't find any man in this country afraid of being 
put in jail, if he will make a good Union speech. What kind of u 
speech ought a man to make in this country? Does he want to make a 
Jeff. Davis speech? There are only two kinds of speeches for him to 
make — for the Grovernment or against it. He can't be half way for the 
Union — no such thing as that. He is either a Union man or a traitor : 
he is for his Government or against it. He is either for treason or 
against it. He can't be for Jeff. Davis and the Union too. He can't be 
against the Union and against Jeff. Davis. He is either a Union man 
and for his country, or else he is a traitor to his country. There is no 
doubt about that. I want to know why it is that any man is afraid to 
make a speech in this country? I suppose Jeff. Davis would be afraid 
to make a speech here. I suppose Toombs and Yancey would n't care 
about doing it just now. That is as it ought to be. The people would 
have nerve enough to let the gentlemen dance a few jigs in the air, if 
they should make their appearance among them. [Applause.] I guess 
Stephens, the Vice-President of the Confederacy, would be afraid to 
make a speech here. Beauregard, too, would be afraid of being put in 
a Lincoln bastile, should he attempt to enlighten an audience here. I 
don't suppose any of those men would like to make a speech here. 
But if any man comes before this country and makes a speech for his 
Government, I don't care what he calls himself politically, so that he is 
a Union man, an honest man, and for his Government. Tf he calls him- 
self Beelzebub, that don't make him Beelzebub, by any means. It makes 
no difference what his politics may bo, if he is only for his Government, 
let him make a speech for it. If he is for the war, let him say so ; no 
milk and eider talk about it ; no use in finding objections by talking 
about stealing pigs and robbing hen-roosts. Let hini say whether he is 
for the Government or against it. I heard about a man not long ago 
going to make a speech, in which he said that in this country a man dare 
not say what he thought. He was for the Constitution as it is and the 
Union as it was. [Laughter.] He wanted to inform them of that fact. 
He did not believe anybody else was for the Union as it was and the 
Constitution as it is. I am for just that thing. I believe I can satisfy 
70U that you are all for it. It would have been the duty of that man, 
when he said he was for the Constitution as it is and the Union as it was, 
to have told you how he was for it. I will toll you how I am for it. I 
am for the Constitution, always was; I am trying to enforce it. I am 
trying to assist the Government in enforcing it as it is, not as it is not. 
I believe we have got but one Constitution. No courts have decided 
that we have acted unconstitutionally. We are, at least, attempting to 
enforce it as it was. But there are different constructions of the Consti- 
tution. I am willing for every person to have his own. When I take 
up the Constitution and read it, I find it reads so and so. I find it reads 
just the same now as it did before the war commenced. It has not been 
changed in any respect that I have heard of. If the Constitution is no! 
changed, and we whip these rebels, and bring them back into the Unioi]. 
we get the Constitution as it is. I suppose, if we get it that way, he is 
for it. If that satisfies him then, we are both satisfied. Then he wants 



24 PUNISH REBEL LEADERS. 

the Union as it was. So do I, and so do you. I want not only to have 
the United States extend to the Ohio River and the Potomac, but I want 
it to extend to the Gulf of Mexico, and to have in it all the territory it 
had before the war commenced. I want it just the way it was before 
they rebelled. I suppose every law that was just and applicable to the 
entire country before the rebellion, would not be after the rebellion. 
Laws have to be made according to the times and according to the inter- 
ests and wants of the people. So it has always been done. But we 
must get the Government back just as it was, so far as territory is con- 
cerned. When we get the territory back, we will have the citizens back, 
and laws will be passed best adapted to their interest at the time they 
return. That will be the Constitution and the Union. I suppose that 
will be as much as anybody can want. [Applause.] If these men are 
so fond of the Constitution as it is, and the Union as it was, that they 
want the Constitution in such condition that the Congress of the United 
States will not prohibit Jeff. Davis, Toombs and that crowd of traitors 
from holding seats in the Congress of the United States, so that they 
can again break up the Government, I am not for it. [Applause.] 1 
am not for their holding seats in Congress again, in order to go into a 
conspiracy to break up the Government. The leaders in this great con- 
spiracy should never again be permitted to have the same constitutional 
rights as they had before. [Applause.] If these gentlemen mean that 
they want them restored to the same rights, then I am not for it. They 
and I differ there. If they mean, that they arc willing for these gentle- 
men in that part of the country to control this Government, to hold a 
lash over it as they have done heretofore, I am not for that either. 
[Applause.] I am for no such thing. I am for the Union as it was, 
and the Union as it is. When I say I am for the Union as it was, I 
mean that I am for all the territories that belong to the Government, 
bringing it all back, every foot of it, and governing it according to the 
wants of the people, and passing such laws as are best adapted to their 
condition. I can see through what these gentlemen mean. I know it 
exactly. By saying they are for the Union as it was, these men want to 
see the army run around all through the country and pick up stray 
niggers and return them to their masters. They want our boys in blue 
jackets to hunt the swamps, and hills, and hollows, for absconding dar- 
kies. Now, for one, I beg to be excused. [Applause.] I will certainly 
have to beg off from such work as that. If they want that done. I have 
no objection, when the war is over, let them go down and engage in 
that business themselves. We will permit them to do it, but let them 
not ask us to do it, if they please. I know that is just the meaning of 
the " Union as it was, and the Constitution as it is," Avith these men. I 
say to these gentlemen this: These niggers have run away from these 
people, and they can just keep on running, and run till doomsday, so far 
as I am concerned. I did n't cause them to rebel, nor did I run any of 
their niggers off. If they want them they may catch them ; but I can 
tell them that they '11 have a happy time doing it. But I suppose they 
want them all restored; they want a law passed rc-enslaving them ; they 
want the army to turn nigger-hunters and slave-catchers. Well, nov;, 
when they lay down their guns and return back to the Government, let 



ABIDE DECISION OF THE COURTS. 25 

tbem come before a United States Court, aud let that United States Court 
decide whether they are entitled to this property. If the Court says 
they shall have it, I say all right. If the Court says no, then I say, 
" you can't corae it, 'Squire." I don't know, but it seems to me that 
there is no country on earth that allows men to commit treason against 
its Government — allows them to commit such outrageous acts of treason 
as these men have committed — violate all the laws and the Constitution. 
and rebel against the Government, and then claim that the Government 
has no right to confiscate their property. There is not a Government on 
earth but would do it. [Applause.] Our Government ought not to 
hold back in this matter. History shows no example of such leniency. 
In some governments they would not only confiscate their property, but 
they never would exchange a single prisoner taken on the field of battle. 
They would hang every one of them for treason. Yes, and in some 
governments, they would have hung some of the leaders before any 
battle was fought. [Applause.] They would not have given the rebels 
a chance to assemble an army. Now, I say if their property is confis- 
cated, let it be confiscated. If their niggers run off, let them run ; clear 
the track for them. If they want them back again, let tbem go to the 
Courts. If they think we have violated the Constitution, let them come 
back to the Union and test the question before a proper tribunal. When 
they come back, they can go before the United States Courts of America 
and settle all their grievances, and we as good citizens will stand by the 
decisions of the Courts. [Applause.] 

A PEW WORDS FOR THE SOLDIERS, 
* 
Now, fellow-citizens, I have detained you on all these points at as 
great length as I desire. This lengthy speaking: in the open air will. 
I am afraid, do me a great deal of injury, from the way I feel. But 
I want to say a few words to you, in reference to our soldiers. I have 
no eulogies to pass, so far as I am concerned, upon their conduct, more 
than what that conduct shows itself entitled to. The country knows 
it; so far as the conduct of the soldiers of the United States is con- 
cerned, they know all about it. But I want to appeal to you in behalf 
of these men, that while they are traveling and marching about through 
the rebellious States almost naked, without food sometimes, in the burn- 
ing sun and in the drenching storm, in the night and in the day — while 
they are sleeping upon the cold, wet ground ; while they are suifering 
all the toils and privations of camp life, such as no other soldiers ever 
endured before ; while they are doing that which they honestly believe 
to be their duty to themselves and their country, and to you as their 
countrymen, I want you, as citizens of a loyal country, as citizens of 
the noble State of Illinois, to at least extend to them your sympathy. 
to at least feel in common w-ith them, that their cause is just, to at 
least think, if you can not alleviate their sufferings and lessen their 
privations in the field, that your feelings are with them. Say to them, 
"go on, boys, God bless you," and let the brave fellows know how you 
feel toward them. [x\pplause.] Let us have no more letters written 
from home to the boys who are in the field, grumbling and growling, 



26 WIUTE CIIEERIXGLY TO THE SOLDIER. 

anJ telling them you vvislv the unholy war had never begun, and that you 
wish they were home, and all that sort of thing; for you only encour- 
age them to desert the cause of their country. Let us have no more 
letter? written to the army from parents, telling their children that if 
they come home, to come by a certain man's house, and he will tell 
them the best way to get where they can meet other deserters, and be 
protected. Let us have no more of this. Write to them in this way: 
say to them, "my son, as long as there is an armed rebel in the Govern- 
ment, as long as there is a traitor in arms against the United States, 
be true to the flag of your country ; be true to the oath you took when 
you entered the army. Do your duty, and when your country needs you 
no longer in the field, come home, and we will welcome you with out- 
stretched arms. If you die, my brave son, be buried as a faithful sol- 
dier, whose last act was in discharge of a patriot's duty. Let history 
render your name immortal as one of the gallant men who died that his 
country might live. [Applause.] Let your country be proud to inscribe 
your name upon its banners as one of the heroic dead. Let your prayer 
be that the American flag may be your winding sheet, while your spirit 
wings its way to the haven of rest, reserved for the brave soldiers of the 
American Cnion." [Applause.] Talk that way to your boys, to your 
husbands, to your friends, and you will hear such a shout of joy come 
up from the camps in the land of the foe, as -will do your hearts good. 
Let the poor soldiers feel that in the performance of their jirduous and 
fatiguing duties, they have comforts at home as well as cheers in the 
army. Let men reflect that the graves of these many boys — some seven 
or eight thousand that we lost in our campaign this summer, who were 
fighting for their country — only remember that their gaping wounds, 
while they lay weltering in their gore, like empty mouths, spoke out in 
thunder tones to their friends at home : "Dear friend and companion of 
mine, here, look at this bleeding gash that has been made by traitorous 
hands. Will you not avenge my blood ? Will you not unfurl the ban- 
ner of your country, and lift a single joyous anthem to the tune of this 
Union, while the shouts of victory are going up from each and every 
l>attle-field in the land? AVill you not avenge the blood of your brothers 
or your sons, killed by men who are attempting to destroy our na-. 
tional existence? Swear that you will — that while there is a rem- 
nant of that battle-torn flag left, you will strike such blows as will assist 
my country in ridding the land of all its foes." You citizens of Perry 
and Franklin counties, who are assembled here to-day, let the words of 
dying Dollins, '-'^ and a dying Reese, f speak to you. Let the last words 
of the noble boys who i'ell as brave soldiers in the ranks, speak in thun- 
der tones to you, in reference to your conduct in future. Listen to the 
words of Colonel Dollins, in the last agonies of death. He was a brave, 
true patriot as ever bled for his country's cause. When he was pierced 
by the leaden messenger of death, he sank back and said : " Buys, go 

* Col. Dollins coinmaniled the 31st Illinois Regiment. IIo was killed in the assiiult 
on the works of Viek.sbuij; on the 22J ol' j\Iay. 

I" Lieutenant-Colonel Reese commanded the 'Slat Illinois, in the absence of Colonel 
M'Couk. He was killed during an asr^ault on Fort llill, about the 1st of Jnly. 



THE GALLAXT DEAD. 27 

on, let me see the flng of mj countrj- planted on the enemy's ramparts." 
The brave Reese said : " Tell Logan to tell the people at home that I 
died an honest man, and a brave soldier." So help me God, I will tell 
them as long as I live, that he died an honest man, and a brave soldier. 
[Applause.] My countrymen, do not the words of such men as that 
^peak to you with a voice that can not be misinterpreted? They died 
because of traitorous hands. They died because of a rebellion against 
•the best government on earth. They died because they were patriots, 
and loved their country and their friends — loved peace, harmony and 
good will. They died for that reason only; and when in their graves. 
and a little board is put at their heads to mark the spot where they 
sleep the sleep of the fallen brave, you find inscribed upon it : "This 
man died at the battle of so and so : a loyal man, a true Union soldier, 
fighting under the flag of his country. " [Applause.] Can Jeff. Davis have 
fiuch a history written on the head-board of his grave? Can it be said 
he died a patriot and a lover of his country ? No. But, in a few bri^f 
words, his history may be written on the head-board that will mark the 
grave where he will lie: "A traitor sleeps here!" This is the difference 
that there is between a patriot and the men who are at war against the 
Government. If you could only have seen the daring deeds performed 
by some of your sons and friends, you would never be heard again to 
utter a sentence against the cause they are engaged in. It would not do 
for me to attempt to describe them. The most magnificently grand his- 
tory that can be written of the daring deeds of many men, is written on 
the flag that has been sent to Perry county by the Colonel of the old 31st 
Kegiment. It was planted upon the bulwarks and ramparts of Vicksburg. 
The staff was cut down three time, and three times was put together 
again. One hundred and six-three bullet-holes through a flag is the 
grandest history of heroic deeds that can be written or made by any set 
of men. [Applause.] Let all look at that flag. These men, however, 
have not excelled others. There are men who have done just as daring 
deeds. In fact, all have performed the same kind of heroic actions. 
They have all won for themselves a name as brave, good, faithful and 
true soldiers of the Union. They are united in a common cause, heart 
and hand; they are truly a band of brothers. That little army is in- 
deed a band of brothers. They live together, they love one another, 
they fight for one another, and they would die for one another. All they 
ask on earth is, that when they die they may be buried side by side one 
another. [Applause.] 

My fellow-citizens, when I told you to-daj' that I did not intend to 
make a political speech, that I was no politician now, and would belong 
to no political party until this war is over, I meant just what I said — I 
am only for the Union, right or wrong. I can give you good reasons 
for it. I was once a politician, but I have learned in the army the best 
lesson I ever learned in the world. When I was a politician I denounced 
men and they denounced me; but in the army I have learned this les- 
son. I have stood for hours under the hottest fire, where bullets were 
flying like hail and cannon balls were whizzing past my head every 
moment. I have seen the llepublican stand by my side and the Demo- 
crat and the Abolitionist. I have seen the Democrat shot down and 



2S DEFEND OUR COUNTRY IN PERIL. 

buried in the same grave with the Eepubllcan, and the Abolitionist in 
the same. They are all fighting for the same country, the same ground, 
the same Constitution. [Applause.] It gave me pleasure to know that 
these were patriots. I have men in my division to-day who once 
belonged to each and every political organization. But to stand here 
to-day and denounce one of these boys because he belonged to any par- 
ticular political organization, I would rather have my right arm cut from 
my body, and my body buried where no man on earth could find it.* 
[Applause.] I don't mean by what I say that each and every man is 
loyal, but 1 do mean that there are loyal men in all parties, and that 
when he is properly instructed, no man will be ashamed to own his 
country. [Applause.] My heavens, has it come to this, that any man 
in the United States Government is ashamed to own the American flag? 
Has it come to this, that any man in the loyal States will yell for Jeflf. 
Davis ? Has it come to this, that our flag can be called a dirty old rag, 
as has been done? Have these men forgotten the blood of the Revolu- 
tion ? the glories of the American people ? the proud name of the United 
States ? Have they forgotten what the stars and stripes are emblematic 
of? Have they forgotten the proud position our Government has occu- 
pied among the nations of the earth ? Have they forgotten the high 
state of religion in our country? the high state of civilization that 
exists in our Government? Have they forgotten all these things? Have 
they forgotten that it towered once high up almost to the heavens, as a 
shining light for all Governments to gaze upon and take lessons from ? — 
to be instructed that the people were capable of self-government — that 
they had the ability not only to govern themselves, but to establish the 
best Government on earth? People of foreign countries may say to us — 
well may they say it — the tree of liberty has been planted on American 
soil, and if the Government only lasts, its branches will spread and it 
will bear fruit which will be plucked by every human being, until each 
and all shall have tasted the sweets of liberty, and shall sing some joyous 
song that they, too, are a free and independent Government, ruled by no 
kings, monarchs, autocrats, emperors or czars. Have they forgotten all 
this ? I know you have not. You are not going to forget your first 
love. You will love your country in its hour of peril and danger as you 
have loved it heretofore. You will assist your country. I believe you 
are willing to do it, and that you will do it. If you do it now we will 
again have the same proud, magnificent, grand structure, that we had 
before. We will again have that bright, shining Government we once 
had. You will again see borne upon the bosom of the Mississippi river 
the mighty products of the great Northwest, hunting a market where the 
producer will be remunerated for his toil and labor. You will again see 
the great railroads running from the North to the South, from the East 
to the West. You will again see our mighty ocean steamers bearing the 
commerce of the world upon the ocean, without molestation by robbers 
and pirates upon the high seas. You will again see the world enjoying 
peace, repose, happiness and prosperity. You will again see everything 
move on as harmoniously as before. [Applause.] Again there will be 
peace and joy throughout the land. 1 believe all desire that. Then, to 
obtain it, this rebcUiou must be crushed out. When it is crushed out, 



PATRIOTIC SWEETHEARTS AND WIVES. 29 

this happy state of things will exist that has been destroyed. Until it 
is, it will not. 

Do you, ladies, who have husbands in the army, only recollect that 
there were widows in the days of the Revolution, when our Government 
was established? Remember that your husbands are fighting in a glori- 
ous cause. When you write to them tell them to persevere in it, to go 
on in the good work, and God bless them in it. You, young ladies, who 
have sweethearts in the army, write to them words of encouragement to 
fight for their country. If you have sweethearts at home, tell them to 
go to the army or you will not marry them. Tell them you won't marry 
a man who is afraid to fight under the stars and stripes, but will reserve 
yourself for one of Uncle Sam's brave boys when the war is ended. 
[Applause.] Do these things. Show that you are patriotic wives, 
mothers and lovers. When you do this you are performing the duty that 
you owe to your country. You do your duty by encouraging us to do 
ours. You do your duty to the world, your country, your family and 
your friends. 



ABOUT DESERTERS. 

When a deserter comes to your house, say to him, " Sir, we keep no 
place for deserters. We have no food to give deserters. Go back to the 
army, and stay there like a man and a soldier." Give them no encourage- 
ment. Let them know, when they come home, they come home dis- 
graced. Instead of saying to them, " 0, you brave fellows, I am glad 
you have quit fighting in this abolition war; go into the woods and hol- 
lows, we v;ill bring you provisions in the night. We will go to town and 
ask 'Squire somebody what will be done with you if you go back." Tell 
them to go back to the army and do their duty. I was asked to-day, 
" If some boys would be punished if they went back to the army?" I 
said, " You tell them to go back, and then ask questions afterward. Tell 
them to go back, and they will find out what will be done with them. Let 
them go back and fight for their country, and beg pardon for what they 
have done, and show their willingness to restore themselves to honor and 
credit by fighting faithfully in the future. Give them no encouragement 
to remain among you." When these gentlemen think enough have run 
away to resist arrests, I tell them it is a sore undertaking. This thing 
of mob law is played out. [Applause.] I know it has been said that I 
threatened to come here and slaughter everybody. I never intimated 
anything of the kind. Never thought of such a thing. You have sher- 
iffs here in this county, and if they are such infamous spaniels as not to 
do their duty, we will send some person here who will do it. If they 
won't do it, you let us know it. Men can be sent who will do it. [Ap- 
plause.] I can send men who will arrest deserters. I won't send a regi- 
ment, nor a company. I will just send one man, and he will come up 
here and take the fellows by the throat, and walk them back where they 
belong. And I would like to see any gentleman prevent him. [Ap- 
plause.] I have no sympathy for these men — none in the world. If 
they come back to me and do their duty well, it is all right. But while 
they are sneaking and scheming in the woods, to hide themselves from 



30 RETURN DESERTERS TO THE ARMY. 

every lionest man, they are deserters only, and the man who feeds them 
or encourages tbem is a traitor of his country. If you feed and encour- 
age deserters, you help to destroy our army, and by destroying our army, 
you assist the rebellion. If a man can not assist the rebellion by being 
u traitor, I would like to see the thing you do it with. [Applause.] 

I deceive no one. I give ray opinions freely and frankly, and I talk 
plainly. I think it is necessary to say just what I have said about these 
men who are scheming and skulking from the army. I hav 'nt heard of 
any of them being shot. Have you? Do they show many wounds, 
many marks, many scars? They hav n't run away because it was an 
abolition war ? That is not the reason. There is a better reason than 
that, yet. But when they come back to the army they generally make 
pretty good soldiers, and I will tell you why. The other boys make them 
do it. They are surrounded by men who will taunt them by calling 
them deserters every day, unless they do their duty properly. They fight 
very well, too. I have seen men who deserted, and stayed away three 
months, fight very well. 

I will tell you what is the fact. I have seen boys around who came 
home with furloughs in their pockets. They feel proud of them. They 
are soldiers, and they had permission to come home. They know they 
are soldiers, and they are proud to have anybody know where they be- 
long. They come home like honorable men. Did you ever see any of 
these other fellows sneaking around ? There is a great difference in the 
way they act. The true soldier, when he comes home, feels proud of 
himself; he feels that he is a true soldier. But if he comes home by 
running away, he feels as if every bush that cracked behind him was a 
sergeant or a corporal cocking a pistol, ready to arrest him. I am satis- 
fied of one thing. If they do not go back, when the history of this 
war is written and they send to Washington City an application for a 
land warrant and extra pay, they will find a little statement opposite 
their names, " deserted on the 19th day of such a month, at the battle 
of some place or other," and the application will be respectfully returned 
to the gentleman for further consideration. 

Now you all know how these things are, and how the army is affected 
by it. We all know that. Not only General Grant's army, but the army 
of General llosecrans, and the army of the Potomac. It has been 
affected by letters written from home by persons who are not loyal them- 
selves ; by men who have given protection to deserters. They have 
written to their friends that the army is breaking up, and that the rebel- 
lion is bound to succeed. They say that the soldiers are all leaving. 

THE VICKSBURO SURRENDER. 

The army is injured by these reports. Yet, while it has been injured 
by these false statements, it went proudly on conquering and to conquer, 
until to-day the proud army of Jeff. Davis, in the south-west, is scattered 
to the winds. It has skedaddled, run away, gone home, left, quit, dis- 
banded. An army of sixty-nine thousand has been dispersed, killed, 
wounded, captured, in less than three months by a little band headed by 
Unconditional Surrender Grant, United States Grant, or whatever else 



W60 



GEX. GRAXT KAS NEVER BEEX WHIPPED. 31 

the country calls him. I will tell you what I call him. I think he i:^ 
a man of more military geuius to-day than any other man in the United 
States. [Applause.] This proud army of Mr. Pemberton and Mr. Joe 
Johnson has been dispersed, captured, kicked, cuffed, run out of the 
coudtry. We had to loan them some bread and meat to travel on. [Ap- , 
plause.] Objections have been made to the manner in which wc treated 
the Vicksbnrg prisoners. People say we ought to have sent them up 
liere as prisoners of war. We sent about nine thousand up. We had 
thirty-one thousand more. We thought if we sent them up here and 
kept them, and fed them for a while, they would be all well drilled, fat 
and hearty, and the generals would just march the whole army out as 
soon as they were exchanged. General Grant thought he would parole 
them and send them out without any arms. When they got out they 
declared their independence. Secession is fashionable, said they, so they 
bid their officers good-by. They seceded for the reason that they were 
tired of the thing. They just quit and went home. I would like to see 
Jeff, collect that army together again, by a proclamation, or anything 
else. He will have to send to Missouri, to Texas, to Louisiana, and eveu 
to Chicago, for I met citizens of Chicago there. There were quite a 
number from Southern Illinois. I found several. They looked well. 
They were finely dressed. They looked as if they were corn-fed/ They 
were beautiful specimens. [Laughter.] They all came and asked to be 
sent home. We told them,"wedid'nt send you down here and we don't 
propose to send you back. We treat you just as we treat other rebels. 
You must do the best you can for yourselves now." 

Since General Grant started from Cairo he has taken eighty-one thou- 
sand prisoners. He has fought thirteen battles, and never been whipped 
in a single one. Many times he had a larger army against him than his 
own. But he always whipped them ; and yet people will get up and tell 
you the Southern people can't be whipped. [Applause.] 

CONCLUDING ADVICE. 

In conclusion, let me give you this advice. Quit your quarreling. 
Be for your Government, in spite of what anybody may say. Swear 
that you are for your country any how, in spite of what anybody may 
say, and prove your f\iith by your works. Do the work. Assist the 
soldier, help him ; don't support and sustain deserters. Be glad to meet 
a soldier, because he is a soldier. Be proud that you have a friend in 
the army that is a soldier. If you can not fight, you can work. You 
can show by your action that you are for your country. When these 
gentlemen get to talking and saying, "I am for the L^nion as it wns and 
the Constitution as it is ; I am for the Union, but then I must have it 
constitutionally;" that is to say, they are for setting down quietly and 
telling the Government to go to thunder, — they will do nothing to ?avi 
it, — you just tell them this : '■ Say, 'Squire, I am for the Union riuht 
wrong." See if they will say as much. He will say, " I am Yvr t 
Union, but I must have the Constitution." Then put another quest 
to him. Tell him you are for the success of the United States army 
navy, no matter who is President — no matter what men are in the C 



:^if, r, 1900 

32 BE FOR YOUR COUNTRY ALL THE TIME. 

net, or who are in the majority in Congress? Ask him this question. 
Tell him you are for the Union — you are not for any man who is not for 
it ; you are a friend to the men who are for the Union, and a foe to those 
who are not for it. You will make a good Union man out of him if you 
can make him consent to these propositions, and if he will act accord- 
ingly. If he won't, then his Unionism is not worth the snap of your 
finger. [Applause.] I have said to you all that I desire to say. I have 
made no speeches since this war commenced, and I hope you will excuse 
me f( • t! e desultory manner in which I have spoken to you. What I 
have \i I have said bluntly. What I have said I feel. Consider 
whetL /the advice I have given is good or bad. If it is good, act on it. 
Be foi your country all the time, and I will assure you that you need 
not be r.fi-aid of hobgoblins after night. Provost Marshals won't hurt 
you. You will be perfectly safe from Provost Marshals and everything 
of the kind, and in no danger of getting into trouble. Then if this is 
true, and you can get along smoothly that way, be for your country. 
Let traitors know that you know who and what they are. I thank you 
kindly for your attention. [Applause and cheers for General Logan.] 



lATIONAL UMOW ASSOCIATION 

OF OHIO. 



Hon. Edward Woodruff, Pre.sident. 

JosiAH KiRBY, Chairman of Executive Committee. 

Henry Kessler, Treasurer. 

John D. Caldwell, General Secretary. 

HEADQUARTERS, Mo 2 BACON'S BUILDINGS, 

N. W. Corner Sixth and Walnut Streets, 

CINCINNATI, 0. 

Eegular Meetings every Tuesday Evening, in Metropolitan Hall, 
N. E. Corner of Ninth and Walnut Streets. 

• OUR. COUNTRY BEFORE PARTY." 

" THE UNION— IT MUST BE PRESERVED." 

The best of loyal publications will be issued from time to time. 
1 uxiliaries, Clubs or individuals can be furnished at low rates, 
^m t there be a free distribution of reading matter to the soldier 
t.-, i\. sailor. Address, 

JOHN D. CALD"WELL, 

General Secretari/. 



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